Khrushchev and kennedy relationship quotes

Nikita Khrushchev - Wikiquote

khrushchev and kennedy relationship quotes

X” (George Kennan), Foreign Affairs, July 1, “The defensive Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, November 18, "In the President John F. Kennedy, speech to the people of West Berlin, June 26, “I believe. RealClearSports - John F. Kennedy - Nikita Khrushchev. In the year that followed, relations between the US and the USSR became more. President Kennedy faced a foe more relentless than Khrushchev, just affairs with bluff naval persistence,” the Kennedy aide and historian.

JFK was hospitalized in with suspected leukaemia, but doctors at the Mayo Clinic ultimately concluded that he had colitis. He graduated in June of the following year, finishing 64th in a class of students. Though he hoped to attend the London School of Economics LSE like his older brother, ill health meant that a late enrolment at Princeton was a better option. However, a persistent gastrointestinal illness meant that he had to drop out after just two months.

His application letter said: I feel that Harvard can give me a better background and a better liberal education than any other university. I have always wanted to go there, as I have felt that it is not just another college, but is a university with something definite to offer.

Then too, I would like to go to the same college as my father. After a couple of years of having a good time, John began to take his studies more seriously.

However, the importance he placed on the value of education comes through in many of his speeches. The human mind is our fundamental resource. Things are made to happen. At just 43 years old, JFK achieved what others would not until they were in their mids and 60s. His youth, vitality, charm, good looks, and growing family brought a sense of freshness to the White House.

John — or Jack, as his family referred to him — had never been the son with political ambitions. The death of his elder brother Joe Jr. At the urging of his father, Kennedy campaigned first for Congress, and later for the Senate.

A gifted speaker, JFK was liked by many and was able to use his experiences to implement change. When people were wary of his religious background CatholicKennedy replied saying that the US Navy had never cared about his beliefs during his active service in the South Pacific.

Kennedy announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination in January Some questioned his youth and experience, but his charm and eloquence won him many supporters within his own party and among the people.

During the long campaign period, JFK proved himself to be a strong and charismatic personality and an incredible speaker. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises—it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. On Election Day, Kennedy defeated Nixon in one of the closest presidential elections of the 20th century.

He spoke of the need for all Americans to be active citizens, and for all nations to work together against the common enemies of tyranny, poverty, disease, and war.

khrushchev and kennedy relationship quotes

There is work to be done and obligations to be met — obligations to truth, to justice, and to liberty. He wanted to use his time in the White House to chart a different course from those who had come before him.

In both domestic and foreign policy Kennedy adopted an optimistic vision, and he wasted no time in implementing his own style of leadership. One of the most important features of his presidency was his support and campaign of the Civil Rights Movement.

National Guard, which had just been federalized by order of the president. He started off on the wrong foot by reacting aggressively to a routine Khrushchev speech on Cold War confrontation in early Kennedy Presidential Library In a world of danger and trial, peace is our deepest aspiration, and when peace comes we will gladly convert not our swords into plowshares, but our bombs into peaceful reactors, and our planes into space vessels. But it is an unfortunate fact that we can secure peace only by preparing for war.

That requires only one kind of defense policy, a policy summed up in a single word "first. My call is to those who believe in the future. Speech at Civic Auditorium, Seattle, Washington 6 September We are a great and strong country — perhaps the greatest and strongest in the history of the world. But greatness and strength are not our natural right. They are not gifts which are automatically ours forever. It took toil and courage and determination to build this country — and it will take those same qualities if we are to maintain it.

For, although a country may stand still, history never stands still. And I know that Americans today are tired of standing still — and that we do not intend to be left behind. But effort and courage are not enough without purpose and direction. The age of Pericles was also the age of Phidias. The age of Lorenzo de Medici was also the age of Leonardo da Vinci.

The age of Elizabeth was also the age of Shakespeare. If by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people — their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, and their civil liberties — someone who believes we can break through the stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that is what they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal.

Kennedy upon Accepting the Liberal Party Nomination for President Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo — and today there can be no status quo.

John F. Kennedy - Wikiquote

Address Accepting the Democratic Party Nomination for the Presidency of the United States — Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles 15 July If this nation is to be wise as well as strong, if we are to achieve our destiny, then we need more new ideas for more wise men reading more good books in more public libraries.

These libraries should be open to all — except the censor.

khrushchev and kennedy relationship quotes

We must know all the facts and hear all the alternatives and listen to all the criticisms. Let us welcome controversial books and controversial authors. For the Bill of Rights is the guardian of our security as well as our liberty. Saturday Review 29 Octoberp. This is extremely serious. I think the fate not only of our own civilization, but I think the fate of world and the future of the human race, is involved in preventing a nuclear war.

Third Nixon-Kennedy Presidential Debate 13 October We have all seen these circus elephants complete with tusks, ivory in their head and thick skins, who move around the circus ring and grab the tail of the elephant ahead of them.

Kennedy Presidential Library I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interests of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world.

The old era is ending. The old ways will not do. It is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership.

We can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves. Are we up to the task — are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future — or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present? That is the question of the New Frontier.

khrushchev and kennedy relationship quotes

But I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high — to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future.

As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: Today our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing. Today some would say that those struggles are all over — that all the horizons have been explored — that all the battles have been won — that there is no longer an American frontier.

But I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won — and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier — the frontier of the 's — a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils — a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.

Woodrow Wilson 's New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt 's New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises — it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook — it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security.

But I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric — and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.

But I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision. I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier.

My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age — to all who respond to the Scriptural call: And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously. There may be those who wish to hear more — more promises to this group or that — more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin — more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high.

But my promises are in the platform you have adopted — our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves. For the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation — or any nation so conceived — can long endure — whether our society — with its freedom of choiceits breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives — can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.

Can a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction — but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men's minds? That is the choice our nation must make — a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort — between national greatness and national decline — between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of "normalcy" — between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.

All mankind waits upon our decision. A whole world looks to see what we will do. We cannot fail their trust, we cannot fail to try. It has been a long road from that first snowy day in New Hampshire to this crowded convention city.

Now begins another long journey, taking me into your cities and homes all over America. Give me your help, your hand, your voice, your vote. Recall with me the words of Isaiah: Then shall we be equal to the test.

Then we shall not be weary. And then we shall prevail. Speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association[ edit ] Speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, a group of Protestant ministers, on the issue of his religion 12 September ; at the time, many Protestants questioned whether Kennedy's Roman Catholic faith would allow him to make important national decisions as president independent of the church.

He addressed those concerns before a skeptical audience of Protestant clergy.

Nikita Khrushchev

War and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office. I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none — who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him — and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida — the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power — the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms — an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.

These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues — for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers. I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute — where no Catholic prelate would tell the President should he be Catholic how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishoners for whom to vote — where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference — and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.

I believe in an America that is officially neither CatholicProtestant nor Jewish — where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source — where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials — and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew — or a Quaker — or a Unitarian — or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim- -but tomorrow it may be you — until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end — where all men and all churches are treated as equal — where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice — where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind — and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.

That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe — a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group.

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so — and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test — even by indirection — for it.

If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it. But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics.

But let me stress again that these are my views — for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters — and the church does not speak for me.

Whatever issue may come before me as President — on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject — I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates.