Uncle Tom and Little Eva () - IMDb
'Uncle Tom and Little Eva' is not going to appeal to all taste-buds. Don't expect much humour in 'Uncle Tom and Little Eva', there are not enough laughs, or at. Uncle Tom's Cabin was the best-selling novel of the 19th century and the second . they have a benevolent relationship with their slaves, Shelby decides to raise the While on board, Tom meets and befriends a young white girl named Eva. In race minority literature Uncle Tom syndrome refers to blacks that, as a .. Little Eva: The Flower of the South is an children's novel written by Philip J. Cozans. This extends to interaction between people, such as relationships, including kind of therapeutic role, practicing in clinical, counseling, or school settings.
The desire for political dialogue and power ultimately motivates George to move his family to Liberia, a new African nation with modern ideals. A kindred soul to Tom, she is a figure of spiritual purity. Like Tom, she believes that Christ will deliver all into a better life after death and that the task of both slaves and slave owners is to work to earn this reward.
Eva dies of consumption, and her exemplary life motivates all who know her to emulate her kindness and compassion. Clare is a slave owner whose beliefs are poised between the Northern and Southern viewpoints. He understands both the pretensions of abolitionist ideality and the cancerous corruption of slavery in the plantation system. He is kind and generous to his slaves and is both bemused and spiritually overwhelmed by his power over their lives. His 20 self-confessed flaw is his laziness, and St.
Clare dies before implementing his promise to emancipate him. Clare, the mother of Little Eva, is a self-absorbed hypochondriac incapable either of loving or of being loved, though Eva tries. Topsy, a slave girl, is the most startling and arguably the most charming character in the novel.
Raised as though she were livestock, she has never known parents, family, or love, yet Topsy is as pure of heart as Little Eva.
Clare purchases Topsy for Ophelia, challenging her to practice her Northern moral precepts and spiritual pretensions with a child who has known nothing of God or of family life. Simon Legree is the corrupt and brutal plantation owner who buys Tom after the death of Augustine St. A spiritually barren man, he is ruled by his appetites and superstitions. Through him Stowe alludes to the sexual servitude of young slave women and girls in the figures of the tragically betrayed Cassy and the morally imperiled Emmeline.
Legree beats Tom to death. The daughter of a slave mother and a wealthy and loving slaveholder who meant to free her legally, the once-beautiful Cassy is refined and graceful.
Alternately embraced by the white world and abandoned to slavery, she had lived a life of privilege with a white master in whose love she had trusted.
But he abandoned her and their children, selling them all into slavery, and Cassy is filled with despair. She is drawn to Tom because of his spiritual strength. Through the experiences of various protagonists, the themes of the novel pivot upon a Christian model of suffering and redemption, the acts of the moral individual and the corresponding failure of a democratic society, and the troubling replacement of racist cruelty by racist benevolence.
In chapter one we overhear two Kentucky men negotiating the sale of several slaves, including Uncle Tom and a fouryear-old quadroon boy, Harry. Haley, the slave trader, and Mr. Shelby, their owner, are contrasts in appearance and caste. In chapters two and three Stowe depicts the dependence of the slave family upon those who own them. Furious over his mistreatment, George reveals to his wife his plans to run away to Canada, where he will work, save money, and buy his family from Mr.
Unaware that their child has been sold, Eliza, who equates obedience to her master and mistress with Christian commitment, urges him to have faith and forbearance. Tom is a sort of local religious patriarch: After dinner, slaves arrive from surrounding plantations for worship and singing.
At the same time, Mr. Haley assures Shelby he will sell Tom into good hands. Shelby 24 resolves to see the slaves in person rather than arrange to be away when they are taken, as her husband suggests. Tom realizes that his value as a slave will be sufficient to save others from being sold and that by running he would doom them all.
Eliza asks Tom and Chloe to tell her husband that she will try to reach Canada and meet him there. Chapter six opens the next morning when the Shelbys discover that Eliza has run off with her child. Shelby, his honor at stake, rushes off to calm Haley and to offer his horses and servants for a search.
With the complicity of Mrs. Shelby, the other slaves—in a rather comical interlude—conspire to hinder the search. In chapters seven and eight maternal love is a powerful force strong enough to overcome desolation, cold, and fierce pursuit. In a scene that would become a literary symbol of female peril and endangerment, Eliza escapes across the Ohio River, literally one step ahead of the slave trader.
Shoeless and bleeding, she clutches her child and jumps across huge chunks of broken ice. Throughout the novel slaves endure hardship and danger as a matter of course, but they must redeem themselves out of slavery by extraordinary acts of courage and spiritual strength. A stranger helps Eliza up the Ohio bank and directs her to a nearby house where fugitive slaves are protected. Meanwhile Haley, having been forced to abandon his pursuit of Eliza, takes refuge in a nearby tavern.
He arranges for the men to catch the escaped mother and child. In chapter nine the divergence of legislative and moral imperatives is evidenced in the passing of the Fugitive Slave 25 Act ofunder which the North was no longer a legal haven for runaways and Canada became the closest place of freedom.
The reader is introduced to Senator Bird of Ohio, who defends the act to his unsympathetic wife, Mary, claiming that it will keep peace with Kentucky slave owners. Mary vows to break this law at the first opportunity. Although the senator admires her conviction, he makes a distinction between feelings and judgment when political unrest may be alleviated by legal compromise.
But the appearance of Eliza and her child, needy and pathetic, appeals more strongly to his moral sense than an abstract, legalistic image of a runaway slave: The magic of the real presence of distress. Tom is an anomaly that Stowe defines carefully. Neither fearful nor timid, he is an archetypal passive resister whose eyes are always turned toward God. Haley leaves, having shackled Tom to prevent his escape.
Chapter eleven opens in a small country hotel where a traveler, Mr. Wilson, comes across a handbill advertising a reward for the capture or killing of a runaway slave George 26 Harris. The reader learns that Wilson is the manufacturer to whom George was hired out before his escape. Soon after, a stranger enters the inn and requests a room. Wilson recognizes the man, despite his disguise as a white gentleman of property, as George. In chapter twelve the slave auction concludes, Haley takes Tom and his other human purchases onto a riverboat, and they begin a hellish journey south.
In chapter thirteen we learn that Eliza and her child have found shelter in a Quaker settlement in Ohio and that the Quakers are making arrangements to secure their safe passage. While there, they are reunited with George, and they prepare to leave after sundown. In the character of Little Eva, as she is called, Stowe concentrates a religious and moral clarity that the text suggests is possible only in children and in certain Africans.
Eva and Tom become friends after he saves her from drowning, and her father, a Louisiana plantation owner, purchases Tom at her request. The story of Augustine St. Clare is an impractical and tenderhearted skeptic, liberal and indulgent with his slaves, his hypochondriac wife, and his daughter. Augustine, Ophelia, Eva, and Tom arrive at the plantation chapter fifteen. Ophelia remarks to Augustine that she could not kiss a slave as Eva does.
In chapter sixteen Marie St. Once on their way, they are pursued by the traders Loker and Marks. Loker is injured and deserted by his party; the fugitives 28 continue their journey after leaving Loker in the care of nearby Quakers.
Like the suicide on the riverboat, another mother is destroyed by loss in chapter eighteen. Prue, who brings breads for sale to the St. Clare plantation, is a known drinker. I did,—and I will drink! In chapter nineteen she dies, locked in a cellar by her master. Clare about legal protections for the likes of Prue. Chapter twenty introduces Topsy, a neglected, unloved, troublesome young slave girl.
Clare purchased the girl for Ophelia to mold as she wishes, challenging his cousin to fulfill her Northern abolitionist ideals. Eva and Topsy become friends and playmates. The Shelbys agree to hold her wages toward buying back her husband. In chapter twenty-two we see Tom and Eva again after two years have passed. Chapter twenty-three introduces St. Eva weakens rapidly and tells Tom and St.
Clare that she is dying chapter twenty-four. He reminds his cousin that Christ had put his hands on the blind in order to give them sight. Topsy brings flowers, and the insufferable Marie cannot understand the affection between the children.
File:Edwin Longsden Long - Uncle Tom and Little Eva.JPG
Eva again tries, without success, to convince her mother that Topsy is not inherently wicked but has been unloved until now, and that the child wants to be good. Tom spends much time with Eva in her illness. They are kindred spirits, alike in religious faith and in imagination.
As Topsy mourns the passing of the only person who has ever loved her, Ophelia is moved, at 30 last, to love her young student. In his emptiness he turns to Tom and admits that he wants to believe the Bible but cannot. Although religious faith eludes him, St. Clare becomes more practical and circumspect in the management of his slaves and informs Tom that he will emancipate him chapter twentyeight.
He dies soon after, stabbed by a stranger. Susan and her daughter, Emmeline, have been brought up as Christians. The man who will receive the profits for the sale of the two women is a Northerner and a Christian.
Susan is bought by a kindly man who tries to buy Emmeline as well, but he is outbid by Simon Legree, who also buys Tom. In chapters thirty-one and thirty-two Legree and the new slaves arrive at a place of cypress swamps, snakes, mournful wind, and rotting vegetation after a grueling boat trip upriver.
Here slaves work without comfort and with only the meanest provisions and shelter. They rise at dawn to pick cotton; they eat at midnight. A strange woman joins the slaves at work in the fields in chapter thirty-three. Her delicate features and graceful bearing, good clothing, and scornful pride distinguish her among the ragged and hungry slaves as she picks cotton with fierce speed and skill. The woman, Cassy, initially does not speak but keeps close to Tom, as if sensing his singular strength.
Tom helps a weakened woman unable to keep up with the fast pace of the work by filling her sack with his own cotton. Cassy muses that he will abandon all kindness once he realizes how hard it is to take care of himself in this place.
He offers Tom a promotion to slave driver if he will flog the woman he had helped that day in the field. Tom refuses and Legree violently batters him, asking if the Bible does not order servants to obey their masters. Badly beaten, Tom lies alone in the refuse room of the gin-house, where Cassy comes to care for him chapter thirtyfour. As she tends his wounds and soothes his pain she urges him to give up hope in God. The believer cannot lose, Tom contends, and Cassy wants desperately to believe.
She tells Tom the story of her life as the pampered daughter of a slave owner who, like Augustine St. Clare, had meant to free her but had died suddenly before doing so. Cassy is half-mad with despair, and Tom is her last hope. In chapter thirty-five we witness the intensely superstitious nature of Simon Legree. Haunted by this reminder, he burns the lock of hair, which Tom received from Eva before her death, and hurls the coin through a window.
Cassy warns Legree to leave Tom alone or he will lose time and money harvesting the cotton chapter thirty-six. Legree, who attempts to force an apology out of Tom without success, vows to exact punishment after the harvest. Chapter thirty-seven briefly returns to the story of George and Eliza Harris as they reach Canada.
The exhilaration of their journey to freedom is mirrored in the renewed hope 33 of liberty that Tom eventually inspires in Cassy. In chapter thirty-eight, Tom calms Cassy with his gentle and steadfast spirituality. He observes that, while he has the strength to endure his present servitude, Cassy no longer does. She plans a surprisingly simple escape for herself and Emmeline, whom she has befriended chapter thirty-nine. Cassy subtly revives and intensifies this belief in the imaginations of the slaves and Legree.
The Oreo Biscuit was renamed into Oreo Sandwich, a new design for the cookie was introduced in A lemon-filled variety was available briefly during the s, but was discontinued, inthe Oreo Sandwich was renamed the Oreo Creme Sandwich, it was changed in to the Oreo Chocolate Sandwich Cookie. The modern-day Oreo design was developed in by William A. Turnier, the modern Oreo cookie filling was developed by Nabiscos principal food scientist, Sam Porcello. Porcello held five patents related to his work on the Oreo.
He also created a line of Oreo cookies covered in chocolate and white chocolate. Porcello retired from Nabisco inin the early s, health concerns prompted Nabisco to replace the lard in the filling with partially hydrogenated vegetable oil. Starting in JanuaryOreo cookies replaced the trans fat in the cookie with non-hydrogenated vegetable oil, Nabisco began a marketing program inadvertising the use of Oreo cookies in a game called DSRL, which stands for Double Stuf Racing League.
Sisters Venus and Serena Williams have also joined, and challenged the Mannings to a race, the Mannings won in both cases. The promotion included stickers inside each package of cookies, the promotion ended May 30, and was available in Ecuador, Peru, and Colombia 7.
File:Edwin Longsden Long - Uncle Tom and Little badz.info - Wikimedia Commons
Wurundjeri — Prior to European settlement, they lived as all people of the Kulin nation lived, on the land, predominantly as hunters and gatherers, for tens of thousands of years.
Seasonal changes in the weather, availability of foods and other factors would determine where campsites were located, many near the Birrarung, Wurundjeri people spoke the Woiwurrung language. Wurundjeri refers to the people who occupy one tribal territory, while Woiwurrung refers to the group shared by the other tribal territory groups.
The Wurundjeri Tribe Land and Compensation Cultural Heritage Council was established in by descendants of the Wurundjeri people, the Wurundjeri have lived in the Woi Wurrung area for up to 40, years, according to Gary Presland. At the Keilor Archaeological Site a human hearth excavated in was radiocarbon-dated to about 31, years BP, a cranium found at the site has been dated at between 12, and 14, years BP.
Tasmania and the Bass Strait islands became separated from mainland Australia around 12, BP, port Phillip was flooded by post-glacial rising sea levels between 8, and 6, years ago.
Oral history and creation stories from the Wada wurrung, Woiwurrung, hobsons Bay was once a kangaroo hunting ground. Creation stories describe how Bunjil was responsible for the formation of the bay, the mine provided a complex network of trading for economic and social exchange among the different Aboriginal nations in Victoria. The Quarry had been in use for more than 1, years, in February the site was placed on the Australian National Heritage List for its cultural importance and archeological value.
William Buckley, a convict, escaped from this abortive settlement and this would have impacted the economic and social ties binding the Woi Wurrung and Bunwurrung peoples.
Little Eva: The Flower of the South - Wikipedia
Broome puts forward that two epidemics of smallpox decimated the population of the Kulin tribes by perhaps killing half each time in the s, any plague is supposed to be brought on by the Mindye or some of its little ones. On 6 June John Batman met with eight elders of the Woi Wurrung people including Bebejan and Billibellary, the meeting took place on the bank of a small stream, likely to be the Merri Creek and treaty documents were signed along with exchanges of goods by both sides.
The total value of the goods has been estimated at about GBP in the value of the day, in return the Woiwurrung offered woven baskets of examples of their weaponry and two Possum-skin cloaks, a highly treasured item. After the treaty signing, a celebration took place with the Parramatta Aborigines with Batmans party dancing a corroboree, the treaty was significant as it was the first and only documented time when European settlers negotiated their presence and occupation of Aboriginal lands.
The Treaty was immediately repudiated by the government in Sydney. Derrimut, an arweet of the Bunurong informed the early European settlers in October of an attack by up-country people 8. The novel attempts to depict the reality of slavery. Even though Uncle Toms Cabin was the novel of the 19th century.
Some of these shows were essentially minstrel shows that utilized caricatures and stereotypes of black people, Tom shows were popular in the United States from the s through the early s. Stage plays based on Uncle Toms Cabin—Tom shows—began to appear while the story itself was still being serialized and these plays varied tremendously in their politics—some faithfully reflected Stowes sentimentalized antislavery politics, while others were more moderate, or even pro-slavery.
A number of the productions also featured songs by Stephen Foster, including My Old Kentucky Home, Old Folks at Home, Stowe herself never authorized dramatization of her work, because of her puritanical distrust of drama. Eric Lott, in his book Love and Theft, Blackface Minstrelsy, all Tom shows appear to have incorporated elements of melodrama and blackface minstrelsy.
Rice, famous in the s for his comic and clearly racist blackface character Jim Crow, later became the most celebrated actor to play the role of Tom. The two were combined in an unprecedented evening-long six-act play.
It also focuses heavily on George Harris, the New York Times reported that his defiant speech received great cheers from an audience of Bowery bhoys and ghals. After a long and successful run beginning November 15, in Troy, New York, the play opened in New York City July 18, where its success was even greater.
Conways production opened in Boston the same day Aikens opened in Troy and its politics were much more moderate. Sam and Andy become, in Lotts words, buffoons, criticism of slavery was placed largely in the mouth of a newly introduced Yankee character, a reporter named Penetrate Partyside. Clares role was expanded, and turned more of a pro-slavery advocate.
Legree rigs the auction that gets him ownership of Tom, beyond this, Conway gave his play a happy ending, with Tom and various other slaves freed. Showmen felt that Stowes novel had a flaw in that there was no clearly defined comic character, so there was no role for a comedian, and consequently little relief from the tragedy. Eventually it was found that the character of Marks the Lawyer could be played as a broad caricature for laughs, dressing him in foppish clothes 9.
The film was adapted by from the novel Uncle Toms Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe, the plot of the Thanhouser production streamlined the actual story to portray the film over the course of a single reel. The film was released on July 26, on the day that Vitagraph released the first reel of their own three reel version of Uncle Toms Cabin. This prompted the Thanhouser Company to advertise against the Vitagraph film by referring to the other as being drawn out.
The film garnered mixed, but mostly positive reception in trade publications, though the film is presumed lost, a synopsis survives in The Moving Picture World from July 30, It states, The story opens in winter when Mr. Shelby has to some of his slaves due to business problems. Until this time they have lived all their lives with him, unfortunately the person to whom he was compelled to sell is the slave owner of the other sort, brutal, heartless, and a hard master - Simon Legree.
Legree agrees to buy as many slaves as he desires, provided that Mr. Shelby gives him his choice. The slaves are passed and reviewed, and Legree selects Uncle Tom, one of the oldest and trusted, despite the protestations of Mr. Shelby and the entreaties of the slaves themselves, these two are heartlessly taken from their homes and families.
Legree refuses to buy any of the others, and as Shelby needs immediate money, the small boy is torn from his mothers arms and placed in Uncle Toms care to be taken with him to Legrees plantation. But Uncle Tom cannot resist a mothers pleading, and when Eliza entreats him to give her back her child he does so, for this deed he is beaten by Legree and forced to join the bloodhounds in which Legree institutes to recover the slave. Eliza, with her boy in her arms, escapes over the Kentucky border to Ohio, terribly overcome by the cold and faint from exposure, Eliza is carried unconscious to the home of Senator Bird of Ohio.
Tracked down by the purchaser, Simon Legree, to Birds home, Mr. Bird out of goodness buys the boy and, giving him his freedom, gives him to his mother. During his journey, while waiting for a Mississippi steamboat, Uncle Tom first meets little Eva, Tom is at once attracted to the beautiful little girl, and she in turn talks to the kindly old darkey.
While looking at the boats, the little one accidentally falls into the flowing river. He of all the crowd has the courage to jump in, Evas father to reward Tom for his bravery, buys him from Legree, and once more Tom knows what it is to be treated kindly. He lives happily as little Evas special bodyguard until the one is seized with a sudden sickness.
She had become attached to Uncle Tom, and the last act of her life was to present him with a little locket containing her picture The term Uncle Tom is also used as an epithet for an excessively subservient person. Infant nurture and child training were superintended by middle-class women in the context of what historians describe as the ideologies of the "moral mother" or "qualitative motherhood.
And here Catharine Beecher's account of maternal power resembles that of her sister Harriet, whose mild Quakers rehabilitate Tom Loker body and soul, or that of the Beechers' influential contemporary, the minister Horace Bushnell. In his enormously popular Christian Nurture ;the evangelical Bushnell drew upon the Lamarckian, or Reform Darwinian, doctrine of the deliberate transmission of acquired traits.
Although historian George Stocking dates a renewed fascination for Lamarckian thought in the United States sometime closer to the end of the century, Bushnell's agenda for a meliorating Christian training relied on the Lamarckian belief in the heritability of habit.
Consider a very important fact in human physiology, which goes far to explain, or take away the seeming extravagance of the truth I am endeavoring to establish, viz.
CN [Christian Nurture] Identifying the progress of Western civilization with the Christian mission, Bushnell explains the mechanism by which Christianity itself, "by a habit or fixed process of culture, tends by a fixed law of nature to become a propagated quality" functional in the "stock" CN Bushnell's account of a Christian stock in Christian Nurture introduces the topic of race into the discussion of the transmission, across generations, of "civilization. Even should the "inferior and far less cultivated stock" "intermix with the superior, it will always be seen that the superior lives the other down, and finally quite lives it away" Census Uncle Tom's Cabin also addresses American race relations as a problem of transmission, turning the scandal of slavery into the scandal of bad mothering.
For instance, the abolitionist sentiments of Augustine St. Clare seem motivated not by a desire to manumit Blacks for their own sakes, but by the judgment that a brutalized Black population passes its characteristics on to white children like his own Little Eva.
Somewhat similar are the objections of a southern planter inwho writes that Blacks "are of necessity the constant attendants upon [white] children in their early years. Superstition takes complete possession of a benighted mind, and hence the ready credit which is given to tales of witchcraft, of departed spirits and of supernatural appearances, with which servants terrify the young committed to their care, and impressions are made, which no after efforts of the understanding are able entirely to eradicate.
Clare is less concerned about the transmission of seemingly premodern beliefs than he is about the contagious "education in barbarism and brutality" of enslaved Blacks, and of whites within the slave system, like his cruel nephew Henrique II But Eva proves to be affected by the ghastly and ghostly gossip about Prue, that "sink[s] into her heart," while the final tale of Prue's fatal beating drives "every drop of blood" from Eva's lips and cheeks II 6.
Here again, Stowe confounds or combines biological and supernatural influences. Prue's story begins with the death of her infant daughter, deprived of her mother's milk, while Eva's life apparently ends as a consequence of a lethal, if transparent, transmission from poor Prue. Contrasting a wholesome Christian nurture to "vicious" feeding, Bushnell resurrects the Puritan trope of the minister-patriarch, or of the Word, as God's maternal breast.
But like others of his generation, Bushnell is also indebted to the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who asserted that mother's milk is the "first education. In his discussion of maternity in Emile, or, On Education, Rousseau focuses on the midwife or wet-nurse alien to the family she enters, as Stowe will focus on slave mothers like Prue, whose maternal nature is perverted under slavery, but whose influence is absorbed by all the members of a house.
But if slavery makes Black mothers like Cassy, who nurses her daughter to death with laudanum in order to save her from a life enslaved, it also produces white women like Marie St. Little Eva perishes not only because of what she has assimilated from Prue, but also because of what she has taken in from her mother, the souffrante Marie, a woman too depraved to have properly nursed, nurtured, and fortified her daughter. Rousseau shifts in Emile from the condemnation of imported nurses to the suspicion of a mother so unnatural that she will put out her child to nurse and, eventually, cease wanting to bear children altogether.
Stowe similarly shifts from portraying slavery's outrages against Black mothers like Prue or Cassy, and the danger such outraged mothers pose to the white children they also nurture, to picturing the unnatural white mothers produced in the patriarchal South. Marie is reminiscent of Rousseau's unfeeling and fashionable French aristocrat, who disdains maternity in order to preserve her beauty.
If maternal instincts are here distorted, so too is even the growth of plants in St.
Clare's garden; the grass seems artificial, cultivated into "green velvet" lawns I In joining the abuses of slavery to the perversions of an orientalized South, Stowe suggests that slavery itself is an exotic import, grafted onto a United States where it can only perversely develop. Stowe's depiction of southern folkways parallels the crude ethnological accounts of the Ophelia-like missionaries on foreign tours, who provided their supporters back home with descriptions of such shocking phenomena as the polygamy of the Indian rajah, child marriage, female infanticide, eunuchs, bride sale, the bagnio and harem, opium dens and slave markets.
Dinah with her addiction to the pipe, the dandified house-slave Adolph, the murderous Cassy, Legree with his multiple mistresses, the precocious Eva and the odalisque Marie, "undulating in all her motions" Iare among the South 's symptomatic victims of an orientalized patriarchal culture. Reflected in Stowe's depiction of this pathogenic landscape are embedded allusions to the miasmic theories of the cholera epidemics in northern cities, to the popular interest in mesmeric influence, and to the perception of the unnatural habits fostered in artificial urban environments.
Thus Karen Halttunen depicts in Stowe's gothic sketch of the South the author's debt to the eighteenth-century oriental tale, to argue persuasively that Stowe uses the descriptions of decaying southern habitations—the Moorish New Orleans mansion, the East-Indian villa at Lake Pontchartrainand Legree's denlike plantation—to allude to the resurgence of Calvinism's hereditary taint, experienced by the Beecher woman as a kind of haunting.
A visionary and sometimes subversive genre in the literature of the early Republic, the ori- ental tale served as a vehicle of liberal, anti-Calvinist, or antipatriarchal opinion—of protest delivered "without any actual or observable contest. Here, Tom's education in Christianity is arguably matched by Eva's Africanization, as what appears to be a Protestant act—the private reading and revelation of the Word— takes place on highly charged ground.
It was well known by that Pontchartrain served as the site of annual voodoo celebrations, led by such priestesses as the two Marie Leveaus, a mother and daughter of influence in New Orleans between and Open to the public and to the press, the Pontchartrain assemblies attracted northern as well as southern attention, and white as well as Black participants. Incorporating so notorious a landscape into the novel's eschatological tableau, Stowe hints that the dying Eva St.
Clare absorbs the occult powers of the New Orleans priestess Marie, and of the matriarchy behind her, even as Eva also identifies with the ascendent Virgin Mary.
Harriet Stowe attempts to stir anti-slavery sentiment by means of a protest novel conceived as a series of pictures, because "there is no arguing with pictures," Stowe explains. They also link an aesthetics of sentiment to the increasingly established power of the mother—and of the house—to impress the "sympathetic and assimilative" human being through an ineluctable transmission.
Uncle Tom's Cabin not only mirrored the growing bourgeois preoccupation with the civilizing mother and the spirit of the house; it also gave that preoccupation an irresistible form. It is clearer than ever that the joint establishment of an aesthetics of sentiment and an imperial mother advanced the interests of a white middle class, even as it fostered abolition, in the antebellum United States. If this were the whole story, there would be no small irony in realizing that Stowe appropriates an African fetishism in order to eliminate through repatriationas well as to emancipate through civil disobedienceAfrican Americans.
We may, however, take from Stowe what she takes from fetishism, as Du Bois described it: Sentimentalism, literary history suggests, is never enlisted in precisely the same way, but can be refunctioned to serve radical, as well as conservative, ends.
Retaining within it the remnants of a primitivistic, as well as a Lamarckian, apprehension of the force of maternal transmission—namely, the idea that "an image placed before [a pregnant woman's] eyes and strongly impressed upon her imagination would be reproduced on the body of her child"—and exploiting the notion that such adornments as human hair return as the weapons of Blacks and women, Stowe's sentimental art offers up everyday details as tools for redressing asymmetries in social and cultural power.
Readers of Uncle Tom's Cabin arguably came to it especially prepared to appreciate, and, like Henrique, to absorb its spectacular appeal. For they came to it with some expectation that the visible environment in general, and the house in particular, left their marks on human behavior. Within the advice literature collected in Household Papers and StoriesStowe returns to the "influence of dwelling houses for good and for evil, their influence on the brain, the nerves, and through these on the heart and mind.
Phrenologist-architect Orson Fowler buttressed Bushnell's belief in human rehabilitation, and even in antenatal modification, when he commented that an "unhandy house" that "irritated mothers" would "sour the tempers of their children even before birth. Mid-century domestic manuals offered the new mother pointers in how she and her house might appear coextensive: Catharine Beecher's Treatise on Domestic Economy had emphasized a dynamic, functional interior by focusing not on the still retreat of the gentrified, gentleman's parlor, but on the kitchen in which work takes place.
But while Beecher's emphasis on an "economy of labor" and the incorporation of technology into even modest homes was a reaction against the influential Andrew Jackson Downing's special interest in "the beautiful in architecture" as a medium of display, Stowe recombined Beecher's and Downing's interests to describe an "economy of the beautiful" that fell to middle-class women to labor to achieve.
If Stowe's project in Uncle Tom's Cabin was to effect conversions of the kind Henrique enjoys, and to reform from within the domestic interior the slave system vitiating the civilizing transmissions of domesticity, her agenda in Household Papers and Stories can be interpreted as an effort to preserve and extend the mystic, organic connections between women and objects she had worked to establish in her novel.
Ann Douglas's account of the growth of commodity culture as one obvious, if politically suspect, avenue of feminine entitlement does not hold up well for Stowe. The integrity of Stowe's matrifocal domesticity is revealed in Household Papers and Stories to be threatened by a milieu in which, as one nineteenth-century manufacturer put it, the "business of this age is to make the products of civilization cheap.
Stowe's response to the flow of commodities, however, is not to stop shopping, or to boycott manufactured goods in favor of those produced at home, but to instruct her readers in just which purchases will renew the simultaneously spiritual and material force she had previously associated with objects in close contact with the maternal body. Turning in Household Papers and Stories to the decoration of interiors, Stowe offers in "The Economy of the Beautiful" a parable of proper consumption.
Narrator Christopher Crowfield details the extravagant tastes of homeowner Philip, whose purchases include wallpapers of the "heaviest French velvet, with gildings and traceries"; Axminster carpets, designed with "flowery convolutions and medallion-centres, as if the flowers of the tropic were whirling in waltzes"; curtains of "damask, cord, tassels, shades, laces" and "sofas, lounges, screens, etageres, and chairs of every pattern and device" Crowfield's reaction to Philip's vertiginous and enervating display of purchasing power is to clean house, not by refusing to purchase, but by selecting among the commodities of "artistic culture," made available, thanks to plaster casts and chromolithographs, even to democratic citizens of modest means.
Pictures … and statuary … speak constantly to the childish eye, but are out of reach of childish fingers…. The beauty once there is always there; though the mother be ill and in her chamber, she has no fears that she shall find it wrecked and shattered. And this style of beauty, inexpensive as it is, is a means of cultivation.
No child is ever stimulated to draw or read by an Axminster carpet or a carved centre-table; but a room surrounded with photographs and pictures and fine casts suggests a thousand inquiries, stimulates the little eye and hand.
The child is found with its pencil, drawing; or he asks for a book on Venice; or he wants to hear the history of the Roman Forum. For just as the uncanny lock of hair gains purchase on its viewer long after its owner's death, so too can the domestic interior impress its inhabitants, even if the mother has left home for extradomestic engagements.
Installed within such reproductions "photographs and pictures and fine casts" as help to preserve the "enchantment that was once about [the mother's] person alone" and has come to "interfuse and penetrate the home which she has created," maternal charisma resurges not in relics from beyond the grave but from inside the commercial market and the public space from which the members of the sphere of the domestic are cordoned off.
If here the bourgeois domestic takes advantage of the technology of mass culture the inexpensive reproduction of a Raphael Madonna it is not to compensate her, as Ann Douglas argues, for real power, but to function for her as another potential, if discreet, instrument of national reform. Premodern in its imputation of a cosmological domestic system complete with spiritual props, Stowe's spiritualism was not antimodern in its thrust, serving her abolitionism and influencing a generation's approach to the related issue of women's rights.
If, after Ann Douglas, we begin to question the real effects of a materialist politics with a spiritist component, we are well reminded that the careers of the spirit-mediums and trancers who agitated for abolition did not come to an end with the Civil War. Spiritualism, as Henry James's The Bostonians demonstrates, provided an especially enabling vehicle for women's political action in postbellum national life, and the fact that the female medium proved vulnerable to commercialization did not necessarily compromise the meaning of her spectacularly disseminated message.
Exemplary of the work of art in the age of mechanical reproduction, daguerreotypes and photographs were also seen as "opening onto a larger, preternatural world. After Walter Benjaminthen, we could say that the photograph entertained residual ritual powers, in its use in the chiefly maternal work of memorial and mourning.
In entirely different hands, the photograph might even further the interests of those social groups excluded from the bourgeois norm, even though this is a norm in part constructed, as "The Economy of the Beautiful" suggests, through the culturally homogenizing effects of photographs.
Photography's oppositional potential is only suggested in Charles W. Chesnutt's "The Wife of His Youth"but the suggestion is instructive. He has altered his identity in order to pass as a member of the light-skinned caste of the Northern city now his home, and she seems not to recognize him. She requests his assistance in locating the man whose portrait she carries in the form of an "old fashioned daguerreotype in a black case" "fastened to a string that went around her neck" Although it means the sacrifice of his place in the bourgeois Society of the Blue Veins, this husband acknowledges his wife, and simultaneously his race, impressed, it seems, both by the hard fact of the daguerreotype and the sympathetic story she tells of her tireless journey toward reunion.
But perhaps the motherly old woman's persuasive powers come not only from the material likeness of the picture, which could expose him, or the melodramatics of the story, which move him, but also from the spirit work of conjure.
The Black woman's "blue gums" inform us that she is a conjure woman They are the abortive births of an imperfect or vitiated instinct. Emerson, "Art" At the end of the nineteenth century, Harriet Beecher Stowe's grandniece Charlotte Perkins Gilman mounted an indirect attack on her great-aunt's matrifocal domesticity by recognizing the symbiotic presence within domestic life of primitive retentions. The "bodily nature" of Stowe's aesthetics of sentiment symptomized its dysfunctional and decadent character.
That domestic women possessed only the "habits of a dark untutored past" Gilman saw evidenced in domestic art, and she was appalled that women were at home within "a continuous accumulation of waste," that they decorated the interior with "of all the awful things!
Unspecialized in art, as in industry, the bourgeois woman's arrested or atavistic traits surface in her inability to transcend the body to produce an aesthetics advanced beyond "the arts," beyond the "first-hand industries of savage times" WE [Women and Economics] Charlotte Gilman, like Emerson, dissevered "the arts" from "Art," associating the former with the primitive sphere of bodily labor, the decorative and the detail. Gilman's critique of the decorative, like her great-aunt's recuperation of it for use in the home, took place within a long tradition of Western aesthetics in which, as Naomi Schor explains, the primitive, the oriental, the ornamental, the masses, the detail, "brute Matter," and the feminine are aligned.
The association of the love of ornament with savagery and degeneracy came down to Harriet Stowe in the Protestant polemic against painted and graven luxuries; by the time one intellectual of Gilman's generation, Adolph Loos, had published his manifesto ofOrnament and Crime, it was almost commonplace to assume that " cultural evolution is equivalent to the removal of ornament from articles of everyday use.
On the contrary, Gilman's now notorious The Yellow Wallpaper reveals her belief that the impressions made on minds and bodies of mothers reappear in offspring through the mechanisms of inheritance. The maternal power of cultural and biological transmission is on trial in Gilman's gothic short storyas the "pointless pattern" on the four walls exerts a "vicious" and "sickly" influence on the narrator confined inside them.
The "love of Beauty at home," Gilman elsewhere explains, has been "cruelly aborted" in women consigned to a home that is but a "little ganglion of aborted economic processes" Home To look closely at the imagery in the yellow wallpaper is to detect a scene of aesthetics, and of obstetrics, gone awry.
Uncle Tom syndrome
In what is arguably the story's half-hidden joke, Gilman grounds her allusions in a contemporary problem of interior decoration. Reversing the mid-century axiom of separate spheres ideology that the world of commerce and industry is poison, and its only antidote, the home, The Yellow Wallpaper plays off the late Victorians' suspicion that the Victorian interior is literally toxic.
Brinton and Napheys "accepted moderate arsenic eating" as an aid to the complexion, but "believed that the popularity of wallpaper in homes, which were covered in arsenical dyes … had threatened the woman beyond her tolerance level. And these strategies are intimately tied to the very body and the particular environment Gilman seeks to transcend. The hysterical, atavistic narrator of The Yellow Wallpaper, whom we last find creeping on all fours along the walls of her place of confinement, enjoys a perverse mastery over the doctor-husband, who suddenly swoons at her feet.
The feasibility of this female's successful, if costly, resistance is indirectly sounded in the fantastic warning issued by Drs. Brinton and Napheys as well: But history suggests that the persistence of such a fantasy is motivated, at least in part, by the actual practices of such heterodox figures as midwives, healers, conjurers, and even voodoo matriarchs, at the century's end, upon whose archaic knowledge even Charlotte Gilman cannot resist depending for her vision of opposition.
Recent critical attempts to counter the devaluation of nineteenth-century sentimentalism point to its stylistic legacy of what Melissa Meyer and Miriam Shapiro have dubbed femmage. Modern art's technique of collage and assemblage, and, arguably, the irrational arrangements of the surrealists, indicate homage to the salvage aesthetics of scrapbooks, photograph albums, quilts, and valentines—femmage—practiced by sentimental artists.
The legacy of the culture of sentiment bears implications for the subjects of culture as well. Emily Apter, commenting on the incorporation in artist Mary Kelly's Post-Partum Document of the sentimental paraphernalia of "first shoes, photographs, and locks of hair," takes Kelly's postmodern Document as an occasion for articulating a "post-partum sentimentality. Stowe's sentimental aesthetics is motivated in part by her investment in a Western conception of progress, and this means that her writing fails to inhibit the colonizing agenda of her imperialist contemporaries.
Uncle Tom's Cabin concludes with a picture of a Christianized Africa, after the model provided by the romantic racialist and Swedenborgian Alexander Kinmont. But if this is the end of Stowe's project it does not inevitably mark the ends of the sentimental, only the limits of this abolitionist's application. I suggest in conclusion that its imputation of sympathetic magic and its emphasis on ritualistic arrangement have made sentimentalism itself a difficult medium to dispel.
If in her sensational story of the potent expression of the "inanimate thing" on the walls YW 16Charlotte Perkins Gilman exploits the "anthropomorphising instinct" of the feminine sentimentalist whose "primitive arts" she elsewhere repudiates, we might look to her contemporaries, the masculine naturalists. Like Gilman's, albeit with a difference, the literary experiments of Jack LondonFrank Norrisand Stephen Crane are taken to represent a revolt against the feminization of American culture epitomized in the aesthetics of sentiment.
But if Raymond Williams is correct that in naturalism, physical details and entire environments become, as if inspired, "actors and agencies" in their own right, we might acknowledge even here the survival of the sentimental writer, and of the Africanisms animating her.
Page numbers to this edition will be given in parentheses in the text. Shocken, See the important argument of Gillian Brown in Domestic Individualism: University of California Press, ,