models might lead to different research questions regarding the relation The relation between language and ethnicity has long interested. Within the classroom, the institutional identities of pupil, teacher, star-student, as a key place for shaping the relationship between majority and minority groups. .. but in terms of the discussion of sociolinguistic theory in Section 1, the notion . relationship between ethnic identity and the use of the native language, . develop a theory of the process of the loss of the native language, the adoption of .
Mindless behaviour and intercultural competence Similarly to Ting-Toomey According to Langer As broad categorizations can have a negative influence on the interaction it is advised to make multiple categories, differentiate more Langer In regard to ethnic groups this entails not only viewing someone as German, Muslim or black, but also keeping in mind that the person in question is a man, a father, a doctor as well. As argued in section 2.
Furthermore, people can have different understandings of which characteristics are associated with their specific ethnic group or groups.
It is on the basis of these deliberations that I seek to examine misconceptions concerning ethnic identity values and salience in intercultural communication interactions.
In this study, including the analysis of the collected data, I will place an emphasis on what is perceived as stereotypical and prejudiced assumptions, and to a point also mindless behaviour, as recognised by Langer in 2. Thus, the accuracy of their perceptions is not an issue. Accordingly, how they define themselves in a given intercultural communication context: Therefore, I allowed the participants to associate ethnic identity with what they themselves found pertinent.
To elucidate the research questions, I chose to conduct both a quantitative survey consisting of questionnaires with fixed response categories and a number of semi-structured qualitative interviews. As the objective is to gain access to in-depth information about processes set in motion by ethnic identity misconceptions and grasp their influence on interactions, the qualitative interviews were a priority Kruuse A quantitative survey was included for the purpose of gathering background information and identifying patterns which can contribute to the quality of the qualitative interviews.
Clarifying whether specific sections of the population encounter the problem in question more often than others, for instance, can insure a more advantageous selection of interviewees for the qualitative section of this study.
Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity
For these reasons, the quantitative survey was conducted prior to the qualitative interviews. The results of the qualitative survey can be found in appendices 3, 4, and 5. The transcripts of the interviews have not been attached here but can be obtained by contacting the author.
The quantitative survey As the quantitative survey is subordinated to the qualitative interviews I assessed that a non-representative population sample would be sufficient. Over questionnaires were handed out at schools and companies, either personally or electronically, and filled out by individuals who voluntarily agreed to participate.
The questionnaire is divided up into three sections on an equal number of sheets see appendix 1. Contextual questions concerning the circumstances and situations in which the problem in question occurs are included on the second page of the questionnaire. On the third and final page the respondents are asked about the actual reactions triggered when incorrect values and salience are assigned to their ethnic identity and their significance for the interaction. The pilot survey, however, showed that the respondents seemed to overlook this remark, resulting in non-coherent data.
Thus, the validity and reliability criteria for a quantitative use of this section of the questionnaire were not fulfilled Kvale In light of these developments I decided to use the third section of the questionnaire qualitatively rather than quantitatively. This meant that I could not generalise on the basis of the collected data. However, by examining whether at least one respondent would check every response category I was able to investigate whether the reactions and influences included in the questionnaires in fact occur in context with the problem in question.
A total of questionnaires were collected. Despite the fact that geographically dispersed people of different nationalities and levels of education were approached, the respondents who decided to fill out the questionnaires were primarily well educated Danish citizens residing on the island of Zealand.
Specifically, the demographical data show that 91,1 percent of the respondents are Zealanders including residents of Copenhagen86,9 percent of the respondents have a higher education diploma ranging from two year higher education to Ph.
Furthermore, 38,6 percent of the respondents are 25 to 34 years of age. Of the remaining 51,4 percent, 50 percent are distributed rather evenly on the age groups andwith 1,4 percent of the respondents being 65 or older for tables, see appendix 3. The qualitative interviews On the basis of the data collected in the quantitative survey I decided to interview eight individuals.
While two are ethnic Danes, five of the interviewees are first generation immigrants who have resided in Denmark for ten years or longer. The last interviewee moved to Denmark for an internship less than four months before the interview was conducted. The decision to interview six individuals with foreign backgrounds and only two native Danes was based on the questionnaire results which indicated that foreign nationals experience misunderstandings concerning their ethnic identity more often than Danes see appendix 3.
Six of the interviewees were interviewed individually and two together. Six interviews were conducted in Danish, one in English and one in Serbo-Croatian. In regard to age, geography, and education the interviewees and the respondents who partook in the quantitative survey have demographic characteristics which resemble those of the respondents who partook in the quantitative survey on a number of counts.
For instance, the interviewees are between 25 and 65 years old, the majority are either currently enrolled or have graduated from a higher education institution, and they live in Copenhagen or elsewhere on the island of Zealand. Detailed comments and demographical data of the eight interviewees are included in appendix 5. Results and discussion 4. Context The quantitative survey revealed that 43,5 percent of the respondents only rarely or never find that incorrect values are assigned to their ethnic identity when they communicate inter-culturally.
For incorrect salience, the figure is 46,9 percent. A sum of 16,6 percent feel that they are subject to incorrect values often or every time while 13,8 percent believe that their counterpart has assigned incorrect salience to their ethnic identity. Thus, while the problem is absent in many intercultural communication interactions, it occurs frequently enough to warrant closer analysis see appendix 3.
The nature of an interaction — whether it is formal or informal — does not seem to be a significant factor of influence for the occurrence of ethnic identity related misunderstandings, as the questionnaire results reveal that they take place at nearly equal intervals in both contexts see appendix 3. How well individuals are acquainted with the person with whom they are communicating, however, is of substantial relevance.
The questionnaires showed that people tend to register misconceptions concerning their ethnic identity more often when interacting with strangers than with friends and acquaintances see appendix 3.
This can be related to the fact that people who know each other are in possession of a larger body of knowledge about each other than strangers involved in an interaction. Another pattern disclosed in the quantitative study is the fact that ethnic minorities — non-Danish citizens — experience the problem in question on a more frequent basis than ethnic Danes see appendix 4.
It is plausible that this is interrelated with the fact that foreign citizens communicate inter-culturally more often than Danes — another fact drawn from the results of the questionnaire results see appendix 4. It is also possible, however, that immigrants are generally more aware of their ethnic identity than the Danish majority population. Thus, they would tend to register inconsistencies between the way they identify themselves ethnically and the way their counterpart perceives them more consistently than Danes.
As stated in 2. As the host population is not confronted with the same issues, it is a logical assumption that, consequently, the majority are less aware of their ethnic identity than the immigrant minorities cf. This hypothesis was confirmed in the interviews.
Identity and language learning - Wikipedia
While the interviewees of non-Danish origin commented on a number of experiences with ethnic identity misunderstandings which took place within the Danish boarders, the two ethnic Danes were only able to recall episodes which occurred outside of Denmark.
The first one entails being placed in a category with which they can not identify — i. The second group applies only to the interviewees who have immigrated to Denmark. The interviews revealed that these individuals tend to consider their being immigrants an ethnic identity equivalent to being a Muslim, a Dane or a Croat.
The three categories have a lot in common. For instance, in all three groups, stereotypical notions are what the interviewees draw forth as problematic. In the first group simplistic ideas such as that all Bosnians and all dark-haired people are Muslim, are the reason why two Christian interviewees are placed in a category in which they do not belong.
In the second group, the stereotype that all immigrants have poor Danish skills, among others, is the reason why immigrant interviewees feel that their identities as immigrants have been assigned incorrect values. In the third group, stereotypes of Muslim interviewees as being rapists, and others resembling it, act as catalysts of misunderstandings and communication difficulties. Thus, the Christian interviewees in the first group stress that they are not Muslim, and the immigrants in the second group point out that they do indeed speak Danish.
Similarly, the individual in the third group who was confronted with the stereotypical notion that all Muslims are rapists rejects the suggestion that this applies to him personally — to name a few examples. By dissociating themselves from these stereotypes the interviewees support the argument that not all member of an ethnic group are alike.
Another feature shared by all three groups is the fact that, due to the aforementioned stereotypical categorisations, the interviewees are forced to contemplate the issue of their ethnic identity. They can, however, influence self-identification as they tend to instigate reflection about personal identification and thus cause either acceptance or rejection of the imposed category cf.
Although they did not explicitly present themselves as ethnically Christian, both the interviewees in question did so indirectly by proclaiming that labelling them as Muslim is inaccurate.
The same applies to the immigrant interviewees who were subject to the assumption that being an immigrant implies having poor Danish language skills.
Thereby, they identified themselves as immigrants who do speak Danish — which can be assumed to have been an important aspect of their self-identification in the interactions in question. The quantitative survey, for instance, confirmed that all the reactions which were included as response categories in the questionnaire occur in the above specified context, as every response category was checked by at least one respondent. Thus, it was verified that these discrepancies can trigger surprise, sadness, irritation, frustration as well as anger.
All of those reactions were also identified in the qualitative interviews. One Muslim interviewee was surprised, irritated, as well as angry when it was alleged that all Muslims are rapists, while another was sad when she was labelled a prostitute based on her Polish origin.
How people react depends on evaluations which they think that their counterpart assigns to the stereotypes they use. As observed in 2. This was confirmed in the interviews. Not caring was brought up only in context with neutral and positive stereotypes, such as the notion that all Polish individuals are diligent, and all Danes are fond of the band Aqua. None of the interviewees expressed indifference in relation to being subject to negative stereotypes — prejudice — although a few did note they have learned to ignore them.
Passivity The questionnaire results confirm that some individuals choose to say or do something when confronted with incorrect stereotypes while others prefer to remain passive.
Broader literature[ edit ] Albright, J. Pierre Bourdieu and literacy education. Writing, identity, and voice in Central Africa.
Language and symbolic power J. Original work published in Fairclough, N. Language and power 2nd Edition. Cultural representations and signifying practices Sage Publications. Language and minority rights.
Endangered Languages, Ethnicity, Identity and Politics | Languages In Danger
Critical pedagogies and language learning. Global Englishes and transcultural flows. Literacies, global and local. Interaction in an urban school. Global issues in language, education and development: Perspectives from postcolonial countries. Technology and social inclusion: Rethinking the digital divide. Feminist practice and poststructuralist theory 2nd Edition. Learning, meaning, and identity.
Footnotes and references[ edit ] Norton, Bonny Identity and Language Learning: Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. On discourse, communication, and some fundamental concepts in SLA research.
Modern Language Journal, 81, Poststructuralism and applied linguistics: Complementary approaches to identity and culture in ELT. Changing perspectives on good language learners. The social turn in second language acquisition. Both a fiction and an existential fact: Theorizing identity in second language acquisition and literacy studies.
Linguistics and Education, 16, Considerations of identity in L2 learning. The Modern Language Journal, 91 focus issue Cognitive and sociocultural perspectives: Two parallel SLA worlds? Motivational strategies in the language classroom. Perspectives on their social,cognitive, and linguistic investment in English medium interaction.How are language and identity connected?
Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 18 1. The imaginative construction of self through multiliteracies pedagogy. Language in education and glocalization. Investing in foreign-language writing: A study of two multicultural learners. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 4 4 Multiple discourses, multiple identities: Investment and agency in second language learning among Chinese adolescent immigrant students.
Harvard Educational Review, 66 3 Identity, investment, and Chinese learners of English. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 18 1 The Dungan people are a community deriving their origin from the Hui people who settled in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan.
Given the diaspora, their language became autonomous — and their ethno-confessional identity developed into an ethnic one. These linguistic and ethnic processes are employed also in the formation of collective identity of, for example, the Rusyns. The Rusyns are communities that use East Slavic language varieties in Central Europe, that live or lived in the Carpathian mountain range and, also, that adhere to the traditions of Eastern Christianity and, thus, use the Cyrillic script — see Chapter 5 on Writing Systems.
The Rusyn L-complex often and by many treated as a group of dialects of Ukrainian comprises of the following varieties: The first Rusyn variety that created its own official literal standard form was Vojvodinan Rusyn — it was even one of the official languages there.
It all happened in the times of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Serbian, Croatian the first and second signs are at the same time the Cyrillic and Latin versions of the Serbo-Croatian languageHungarian, Slovakian, Romanian and Rusyn. Photography by Tomasz Wicherkiewicz Although the Rusyn standard was well established in the Yugoslav Vojvodina, it cannot be treated as the norm of a common Rusyn language as it contained too many West and South Slavic features.
Apart from that, the political status of Rusyns was different depending on the country they lived in. The creation of a standardized form of the Rusyn L-complex is, thus, a matter of time — similar to the formation of a common Rusyn ethnic identity. Yet another illustrative example of the transfer from a clearly religious identity to an ethnic or ethno-confessional identity and, then, a linguistic one is the case of Lipko Tatars also known as Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian Tatars and Tatars of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; not to be mistaken for, e.
Crimean Tatars or Volga Tatars. The Arabic script was a source of Muslim values and was even employed by the Polish-Lithuanian Tatars to record the local Polish-Belarusian varieties.
The Polish-Lithuanian Tatars for over three centuries functioned as an ethno-confessional community lacking a vernacular ethnic language.
It is around the Volga variety that the Polish Tatars want to construct their ethnicity — with no connection to past times, thus giving them a fresh start.
Since then, they have been accompanied by endeavours to raise the status of many linguistic varieties. In many cases these ethnopolitical movements aim to counter the European ideology behind language that pervades the world, and break up with the synonymy of: It still is believed to be an acceptable model of how a national state should function along with its national language.
This simplified correspondence can, however, be easily countered by comparing the number of countries in the world with but an approximant number of ethnic groups and the number of languages discussed in other chapters of this publication. The policies of many countries aim at ethnic homogeneity — that is, making the whole of a population of a country uniform and attributing them with a feeling of being a part of an indivisible nation.
Identity and language learning
Among them one can list: Listing monolingual and, thus, mono-ethnic countries causes much more difficulty. These can be, for example: Countries that are almost fully homogenous with respect to language and ethnicity can be listed the following way: The Vatican passes as the most monolingual country in the world even though legally it has two official languages: It is worth mentioning that only the official status of the two languages is being discussed here; in reality, citizens of Vatican are multilingual due to the multinational nature of the Catholic clergy, administrative officers and service staff.
Language policy is concerned with: In many countries and especially in Europe, the term regional language denotes an autochthonous i. It is so to the point of naming it a dialect of the national language, even though in many cases historically it developed not as a variety as a dialect but in parallel.
Recently sign language has begun to be treated similarly to languages of ethnic minorities — mostly by sociolinguists but, in some countries for example Finlandalso by their governing bodies.
Apart from making decisions that regulate the relations between different ethnic groups in a country, the state may also take action in order to either support a given language or language variety, or quite the opposite; it may discourage their use or even ban the varieties in certain or all domains of language use.
As a whole, these decisions and actions can be described as language planning. The aim of its endeavours was not only to regulate the relations between ethnic and language groups in the country but also to manipulate the groups through their creation, merging, separation, transformation or removal.