Family of Imran Khan - Wikipedia
Shortly after their marriage, Imran and Jemima arrived at Zaman Park in . Imran Khan's paternal grandfather, Azeem Khan Niazi, was a physician. . PTI's Additional General Secretary Saifullah Niazi belongs to the Niazi clan and is a distant relative. Radio Station, while his daughter Nahid Niazi earned fame as a singer. The family of Imran Khan the current Prime Minister of Pakistan and former captain of the Shortly after their marriage, Imran and Jemima arrived at Zaman Park in Lahore . Khan Niazi as a paternal ancestor, a sixteenth century military general of Imran Khan's paternal grandfather, Azeem Khan Niazi, was a physician. will convince residents to back the former cricketer in next week's general election. Supporters of Imran Khan in Javed Colony, Lahore, Pakistan. Most are charmed, especially when activists point out the legendary family connection. tribute to Khan by popular singer Attaullah Khan Niazi Esakhelvi.
Once the stomping ground of Qizilbash nawabs, it has changed dramatically after the Sharifs set up their estate here in the s. He won the local National Assembly constituency as a PPP candidate in the election but defected to the Pervez Musharraf-backed patriot faction of the party.
He has been given the task of putting together volunteer teams, providing boarding and lodging for out-of-town protesters and making overall arrangements at the venue. Adda Plot and its surroundings sport a festive feel, a day ahead of the public meeting.
People with their faces painted in red and green can be seen everywhere. Their slogans reverberate through the dark streets leading to the venue. The night before the public meeting is the time for a sort of reunion of workers and supporters who have participated in various earlier PTI rallies and protests.
This is a PTI tradition for all its major events, he says. He has never met a lot of the people who are here but he has communicated with them on Facebook. He says he is as committed to his party as he was when he joined it in Before he says anything else about himself, he quickly introduces another PTI supporter: They hug each other and immediately start discussing the role of corruption in ruining institutions.
We want to bring about a system in which institutions will not be run on the whims of individuals. They will be made for us, the people. He utilised this platform to reach out to students and a new generation of activists from the middle class who had either abandoned other mainstream political parties or were not members of any party to begin with.
The first meetings between Khan and the students took place following the imposition of emergency rule by Musharraf on November 3, He went underground immediately after the address.
Less than two weeks after the imposition of emergency, Khan was arrested from the Punjab University where activists of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba, a student organisation affiliated with JI, beat him up and handed him over to the police. His arrest did not deter his plans to mobilise the youth.
In one of her first encounters with Khan inAndleeb Abbas, a management consultant-turned-political activist, recalls a meeting where PTI discussed plans for the general elections. Abbas, who headed the subsequent mobilisation campaign, says it was in that the first youth-centric initiative was launched. The party invited singers like Shahzad Roy to sing political and patriotic songs at its public meetings in several cities to mobilise urban middle-class youth.
But these activities garnered no substantial media coverage beyond the broadcasting of music.
File:Niazis, The Pashtuns of badz.info - Wikimedia Commons
It took the party some months to realise that its plans were not working. By the close ofKhan started talking of changing strategy and making public meetings newsworthy.
That kick-started his country-wide protests against drone strikes in the tribal areas by the US and his moves to stop war supplies through Pakistan to foreign — mostly American — troops in Afghanistan. The timing was immaculate: In Januaryan American intelligence contractor, Raymond Davis, shot dead two people in Lahore but managed to fly out of Pakistan without any trial, let alone punishment.
Towards the end of the year, foreign forces in Afghanistan bombed a Pakistani check-post on our side of the border, resulting in the death of at least 24 Pakistani soldiers.
And throughout the latter half ofcontroversy raged around a memo allegedly written by Husain Haqqani, the then ambassador of Pakistan in Washington DC, to American officials. He was reportedly seeking American support for the civilian government in Islamabad against the military establishment. Khan mobilised people to protest on all these issues.
- File:Niazis, The Pashtuns of Punjab.jpg
- Family of Imran Khan
This made him the strongest face of anti-Americanism for many Pakistanis who felt frustrated by what they saw as a lacklustre response by the PPP government and the PMLN leaders to the real and imagined transgressions by the US. He was also able to tie this in with his anti-corruption agenda. This clicked instantly with young middle-class Pakistanis raised on a steady diet of stories of massive corruption by the PPP leadership and, to a lesser degree, by those in the PMLN.
Hundreds of thousands of young people present at the gathering instantly pledged allegiance to Khan and PTI, she says. Short of being a political party, it was meant to work as a civil society watchdog for the government of the day. The pressure group never materialised. Zaigham Khan remembers Khan telling him that political leaders in Pakistan do not just land in the corridors of power. Married to a businessman in Lahore, she has been a member of the Punjab Assembly and the National Assembly multiple times since She has never contested elections but has been in provincial and national legislatures on reserved seats as a member of one faction or the other of Pakistan Muslim League.
They line the streets he passes through and bring in hundreds of thousands of rupees. Yet, Imran hugs the person who donates a single rupee with the same vigour as he does the wealthy trader who gives him millions [of rupees]. He hated the idea, she says. Mujeebur became close to the military dictator when, inhe unveiled a coup attempt by a retired major general, Tajammul Hussain Malik, and his revolutionary council.
Mujeebur asked Rehman to invite Khan to dinner at her place. On September 28,Khan and three of his friends arrived at her residence. A series of secret meetings followed, she says. In AprilKhan eventually launched his own political party.
Over the next three to four months, a document would be prepared in bits and pieces and put together under the title Blueprint for a Democratic Revolution. His association with Khan did not last long, though. When he was asked about it later, he responded: Mairaj Muhammad Khan, a Karachi-based politician who started his career as a left-wing student activist in the s and who once was close to — and later in serious discord with — Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, joined PTI in He resigned five years later, saying the party was not serious about building an organisational structure and had done little to prepare for the general elections and local government elections held a little earlier.
The alliance had decided to boycott the polls in protest against the imposition of emergency rule by Musharraf in A PTI supporter at a rally in Pakistan. Reuters Over the next three years, Khan struggled to find a political niche for himself. He had no voice in the parliament where PMLN had virtual monopoly over the opposition benches. When the political landscape changed again inhowever, Khan was ready to seize the moment. Qureshi was one of the first major political stalwarts to join.
He had left the PPP government — in which he was the foreign minister — over the Raymond Davis affair earlier in the year. The string of current events around PTI and Khan began unfolding when he decided to take to the streets again on September 30, — after a hiatus of more than a year and a half. This time round, the reason for his protest movement was corruption at the highest level of the government.
The furore that followed the revelation of Panama Leaks lasted a while before ebbing. The government initially denied any wrongdoing by the premier and his family. That gave way to a lengthy and on-again, off-again process of negotiations between the ruling PMLN and the opposition parties.
Committees were formed, terms of reference drawn up, scratched, drawn up again — the government wanted the probe to be headed by a retired judge, PTI wanted the sitting Chief Justice of Pakistan to lead it and PPP wanted it done through a parliamentary committee. After six months of unpromising back and forth, PTI decided to take its case to the people. Not that everyone in the party favoured the idea. There were many critics within the party who talked of a protest fatigue that resulted from days of sit-ins in Islamabad back in — only to turn back empty-handed, PTI sources say.
Senior PTI members were also sceptical about the benefits of being seen in a state of perpetual agitation — an old accusation against PTI. Once the party chief made the final call, though, the debate died down.
A. A. K. Niazi
Using slideshows, audio recordings and interview clippings, he demonstrated a detailed account of contradictions in their statements regarding their wealth and properties abroad. Then he went on to make a highly anticipated announcement: Khan ended up calling off the protest — without getting either of his two demands.
The anticlimax came when, on November 1, the Supreme Court started hearing many similar petitions over the Panama Leaks. Many had called his protest plans either audacious or suicidal.
They ended in pyrrhic proclamations of victory by him, after oscillating between being audacious and suicidal for quite a few weeks. They will gladly point out that this is not the first time that Khan has backtracked.
A. A. K. Niazi - Wikipedia
And he got nothing out of his prolonged protests that year except a promise for electoral reforms yet to materialise and a judicial commission that did not vindicate his allegations of pre-planned rigging in the elections.
Since the call for his latest agitation was premised on a clear, one-point ultimatum, it had much less room for ambiguity than there was in the list of demands made back in What does it mean for Khan and PTI to have taken it back?
Will anyone take him seriously if and when he gives another call for a protest — which he may sooner than later? The much-rumoured collusion between the military establishment and PTI that resulted in the anti-rigging sit-ins, indeed, became the reason why Hashmi would leave the party in the middle of the protests.
Closely tied to even his latest protest are subjects pertaining to the relationship between civilian and military institutions. Firstly, there is the much-discussed appointment of a new chief of the Army Staff and a new chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. Secondly, an investigation into leaked information about a high-level meeting involving participants from the two sides only complicates their mutual equation further.
The sudden moving of the judicial wheel is another factor that Khan did not take into consideration before giving his call for shutting down Islamabad. It suggests that Khan had not fully exhausted all legal and judicial options available to him before giving the call to lock down Islamabad.
Or, perhaps, he believes that a street protest is the only way to make these options become not just available but also meaningful. He suggests that once the investigations take place, there will be only one outcome — Prime Minister Sharif found guilty as charged. He confirms reports that a lot of senior PTI members had questions about the risks associated with the protests. In another first for post-Musharraf Pakistan, the liberals and the conservatives were seen together, standing right next to Khan.
The same party stage where he offered his prayer in full public view later echoed with the beat of music and PTI-themed songs. So, who does PTI really represent?What is the relationship with Imran Khan Niazi and General Niazi?
Why do people on opposite sides of the sociocultural and ideological spectrum support it? Umar offers this explanation, quoting Khan: Critics say the two groups of new entrants brought with them the same political baggage that Khan has been vowing to fight against — corruption, misuse of authority, nepotism and political opportunism.
After remaining in political wilderness for 15 years, the temptation to induct these heavyweights — electables, to use a term favoured by the media and analysts — was too big to resist for Khan. This is how Umar defends it: It is whether the party changes its politics based on the induction of those people.
In the bigger picture, no individual has enough of an impact to steer the party from its course — they will have to merge into the party, not the other way round. If many PTI electables have a chequered political history, will they change their conduct if and when they get into power as part of a PTI government?
Most importantly, if you cannot find enough clean — and electable — people to get a party into power, how will you find enough clean and competent people to run a country? He then contested and won a Punjab Assembly seat from central Lahore in a by-election in January — again as a member of PMLQ — and became a provincial minister.
He is known to have spent tens of millions of rupees in campaigns for each of the two contests. It was people like him who were at the centre of subsequent grouping within the party — at least in Punjab and Lahore.
When Khan decided to hold the first internal polls of the party in earlyHashmi and Qureshi were visibly at odds with each other. By that time, many senior PTI members had already made their displeasure public over prominent party positions going to new entrants. She, however, did not leave PTI. Admiral retd Javed Iqbal, who had been a PTI member sinceresigned a month later for the same reasons. It gave Khan the reason to believe that, comePTI could snatch some legislative seats in the city from the traditional occupants of its politics.
According to Jemima, Imran and she have remained on very good terms even after the divorce. The marriage was conducted via a simple nikah ceremony at Khan's residence in Bani Gala. As per a mutual settlement, Khan's sons visit him in Pakistan during their school holidays while he stays with his former mother-in-law, Lady Annabel Goldsmithwhen he visits London to see them.
These allagetions have been proven inwhen Khan's alleged partner Sita White took a legal action against Khan . The court ruled that Tyrian Jade White is his daughter. Imran khan said Fri, Aug 15, Khan's parents were moderate and practicing Muslims. He is buried at the family's ancestral graveyard in Mianwali. She was born in Jalandharbefore the partition of India. The helplessness and personal experience of seeing his mother diagnosed with cancer, which became the cause of her death, motivated Khan to build a cancer hospital in Pakistan where those who could not afford expensive care could be treated.
Niazi Khan's father belonged to the Niazi Pashtun tribe, who were long settled in Mianwali in northwestern Punjab. The ancestral haveli mansion of Khan's paternal family is located in Shermankhel MohallahMianwali, and is known as Azeem Manzil named after his paternal grandfather, who built itwhere Khan's extended relatives still reside.
It is now the property of Khan's cousin, Inamullah Niazi. He later rejoined the PML Nfollowing a dispute over election ticket distributions. The newspaper noted that Khan's ancestral home functioned "partially as a local office for the PML-N" and that instead of Khan, the family home featured posters of the Sharifs and pictures of other family members.
Inamullah was reportedly unhappy when he was snubbed and not given an election ticket from the PTI's platform, causing Inamullah and his brothers to part ways with Khan and heavily criticise him on the media.
Commenting on the bitter family politics, Khan once said: It is a family matter. Inamullah was new to the party Burki Khan's maternal family belongs to the Burki Pashtun tribe also known as the Ormurswho originated in Kaniguram in South Waziristanlocated presently in the tribal areas of northwest Pakistan.
His mother's family played an instrumental role in establishing the Islamia College in Jalandhar. Hussain Zia, the Burki emigration from Kaniguram was prompted by a severe drought ; "The elders decided that some people would have to leave in order for the others to survive. It was thus that 40 families bade farewell to Kaniguram. The entire population walked with them for some miles and watched from the top of a hill till they were out of sight. However, these links were cut off following local instability during Sikh resistance against the Mughal Empire.
As a result of this, the Jalandhar Burkis lost much of their language and cultural traits, adopting the Punjabi language. Thus, all of Imran's maternal family established themselves in Zaman Park.
Imran's parents built their house in the same area, which he now owns. The name Zaman Park came from the presence of a parkaround which the houses were located.