US-RP relationship – IBON Foundation
"We have an important relationship." New US Ambassador Kristie Anne Kenney gave this assurance when she called on Foreign Secretary. Jose Maria A. CariÃ±o sold a painting and used the proceeds to publish a book he would later sell below cost. From a purely financial. However, Bayan stressed the change Filipinos need should start from the " historically unequal and oppressive RP-US relations" brought to a.
Although the natives resisted American conquest through a war that lasted longer than expected, they later took to American language and culture, in ways far too complicated to explain. Ner, an editor and former Asia Society Philippines president. As if underscoring this unique relationship, the book was launched two days before the Philippines' Independence Day this year at the Tower Club in Philamlife Tower, a building owned by a company founded by Earl Carroll, a American war hero.
TV blogger Jose Y. Reyes, and poet Mabi David. Composed of two-thirds photos and one-third text, Portraits enumerates and summarizes the life stories of Filipinos and Americans who have, for good or ill, changed the nature of the so-called "special relationship" between both countries. Eight halves is the same thing as four. Y over x is always equal to four.
In fact, I can make another column here. I can make another column here where I have y over x, here it's four over one, which is equal to four. Here it's eight over two, which is equal to four. Here it's 12 over three, which is equal to four. And so, you can actually use this information, the ratio, the ratio between y and x is this constant four, to express the relationship between y and x as an equation.
In fact, in some ways this is, or in a lot of ways, this is already an equation, but I can make it a little bit clearer, if I multiply both sides by x. If I multiply both sides by x, if I multiply both sides by x, I am left with, well, x divided by x, you'd just have y on the left hand side. Y is equal to 4x and you see that's the case. X is one, four times that is four.
X is two, four times that is eight. So, here you go, we're multiplying by four. We are multiplying by four, we are multiplying by four.
And so, four, in this case, four, in this case, in this situation, this is our constant of proportionality. Until recently, conventional wisdom had it that the rapid growth in China-Burma relations would be inimical to India's security in its northeast region.
The following paragraphs briefly discuss developments in these three-way relationships.
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At no time was this more evident than during the period of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan when Pakistan became a front line state in the war against communism as well as a conduit for the supply of arms and other support to the Afghan resistance.
Subsequent cooling of USPakistan relations have ensured that Pakistan is no longer a major factor in the improvement of IndiaUS relations. Detailed analysis is at Appendix C. China's Influence on IndiaUS Relations China became a factor in IndiaUS relations following the normalisation of its ties with the US in and the subsequent 'tilt' by both countries towards Pakistan during its war with India that year.
It is only during the last decade or so that IndiaUS relations have not been influenced by relations with China and have developed a synergy of their own. For detailed analysis, see Appendix D. India and China's Relations with Burma: Implications for IndiaUS Relations It has been argued by some that the developing closeness of China's relations with Burma would be inimical to the strategic stability of the region as China seeks overland access to Burma's ports in the Bay of Bengal as a means of sidestepping potential containment by the US Map 5.
The US has taken no official position on the growing closer relationship between China and Burma. What has escaped the attention of most observers is that both India and China are of the view that their bilateral relations and their relations with Burma are not mutually exclusive. In fact, it can be said that there is an element of cooperation that would be of benefit to all three countries.
India's developing closeness with Burma in no way contradicts the US view that India is a responsible player in the region. IndiaEast Asian Relations Not only is India the largest power in the ocean named after it, it also has the largest navy and coast guard of any state between the two most commercial straits in the world- Hormuz and Malacca. In addition, not only are the Straits of Malacca and the Strait of Lombok acknowledged to be two of the most crucial strategic straits in the world, more than half of the world's maritime trade passes through them Map 7.
In this region, more than a thousand miles from India's mainland lie its Andaman and Nicobar group of islands Map 6 the southmost of which is barely 90 nautical miles from the troubled Indonesian province of Aceh.
Of the island cluster, over are inhabited and are suspected of being used as transit points by gun runners, smugglers including drug smugglers and poachers. The region is also notorious for acts of piracy.
India's action initially caused a certain degree of disquiet among its ASEAN neighbours because of the size of its navy and its perceived closeness to the Soviet Union.
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But this reaction was short lived as India became more open about its motives and the Indian Navy was soon paying port calls to and conducting exercises with the navies of Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand.
In AugustIndia decided to upgrade its presence in the Andamans and set up its first tri-services command, the Far Eastern Strategic Command. Its military presence already includes air force helicopters, three naval Fast Attack Craft FAC and offshore patrol vessels. Eventually, India is expected to have a full strength army component and an air base in the Andamans. This will give India strategic depth to compliment its ability to protect maritime traffic bound for the South China Sea and Australia.
An instance of this is the escort provided to a US vessel recently.
Equations for proportional relationships (video) | Khan Academy
Reaction to this activity has been favourable. They users of the Straits need not rely on the patrolling team only'. He went on to say that any nation had the right to escort their ships to ensure security without the need to seek permission from Malaysia or Indonesia as this did not violate international law.
A joint IndiaJapan Coast Guard Exercise took place for the first time in Indian waters in November and a second joint exercise was conducted off the coast of Japan in A strategic dialogue took place earlier this year. He added that IndiaJapan relations were poised for a quantum leap in the security, economic and political spheres.
Delivering the Annual Singapore Lecturehe observed: We need to tackle this jointly in a determined manner, through regular exchange of experiences, information and intelligence. He once again emphasised India's interest in the wider AsiaPacific region: India has to be integral to any regional process pertaining to the Asia Pacific. We have a constructive and multi-faceted relationship with every major country of the region.
Consequently, it can be argued that given its historical military relations with Vietnam and its growing strategic ties with Japan, India will have a role in the evolving security structure in the wider AsiaPacific region. This trend would be underscored by the growing strategic and military ties with the US Pacific Command. Implications for Australia While this paper has focused primarily on IndiaUS relations, the enhanced relationship between the two also has implications for Australia as part of the Asia Pacific region.
US acceptance of India as a responsible player in the region implies that Australia needs to expand it strategic outlook to include India and the Eastern Indian Ocean region. There are indications that this is happening, but clearly more work needs to be done. Sporadic attempts by Australian governments to generate interest in an Indian Ocean policy have met with mixed success.
India perceived Australia as part of the western alliance while its own policy of non-alignment was viewed as having a pro-Soviet orientation. There were also a series of high level bilateral visits, including a visit by the then Vice-President now President K. Narayanan in the most senior Indian official to visit AustraliaSenator Bob McMullan, then Minister for Trade, leading the largest Australian business mission to visit India in and, in lateAustralia held a major promotion in India called AustraliaIndia New Horizons with the aim of promoting a broader image of Australia.
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A setback came with India's nuclear tests in May and Australia's strong and unequivocal response compared to President Clinton's reaction when he said that he was 'deeply disturbed' and 'strongly' opposed any new tests. I strongly urge India to cease immediately all further testing. On 14 May, Mr Downer announced suspension of bilateral defence relations with India, including the withdrawal of Australia's Defence Adviser stationed in New Delhi, the cancellation of ship and aircraft visits, officer exchanges and other defence-related visits.
Australian Defence Force personnel currently training in India were to be withdrawn and Australia would request the immediate departure of three Indian defence personnel currently at defence colleges in Australia.
Australia would also suspend non-humanitarian aid and Ministerial and Senior Official visits. Among other measures India decided to decline the invitation extended to the Indian Defence Secretary to visit Australia, to suspend all proposals for bilateral military cooperation, to deny Australian naval ships permission to visit Indian ports or operate in Indian territorial waters and to deny overflight facilities to Australian military aircraft.
Australia's reaction to India's nuclear tests was significant in terms of the defence and political relations, but not, however, materially.
The Australian reaction had no evident effect on bilateral trade and investment relations. ByIndia was Australia's 17th largest trading partner and bilateral trade between the two countries had grown at an annual rate of 15 per cent between Parthasarthy, said that activities of banks and other business institutions remain unaffected 'despite the policy differences that we have with the Australian Government on issues like the dependence on foreign nuclear deterrents and nuclear disarmament'.
In December Australia decided to lift its ban on visits by ministers and senior officials, reportedly days after the US decided to lift certain economic and military aid sanctions. Fischer was quoted as saying: On the nuclear question however, he added: Fischer's visit was also different because he did not include a visit to Pakistan: In spite of being the first high level contact between the two countries, there was no change in Australia's policy towards India.
In Junea spokesman was quoted as saying 'We do not believe conditions justify lifting sanctions at present. The two ministers exchanged invitations to visit each other's country and it was decided that the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Dr Ashton Calvert, would go to India for a senior officials' meeting. Before his departure Mr Downer stated: However, the bilateral relationship is broader than this one set of issues, and I would like to use my visit to re-energise the relationship between our two countries.
Although overshadowed by President Clinton's visit, Mr Downer's visit appears to have involved a change from the strong rhetoric that followed the nuclear tests. In an interview with Delhi-based Australian journalists, Mr Downer stated that 'what the international community can say is that it's not obviously going to get the Indian Government to abandon its nuclear capability'. The two sides agreed not only to resume defence ties but also to ensure that 'there was a steady flow of high level contacts.
Full normalisation of relations was symbolised by the visit of Prime Minister Howard in July Another important milestone in the development of bilateral relations was achieved by the visit of the Indian Minister of External Affairs, Jaswant Singh, in June During his visit it was agreed that the two countries would initiate a strategic dialogue at senior officer level.
The talks were 'open, constructive and wide ranging, and demonstrated shared perspectives and common interests on a number of issues, including in the AsiaPacific and Indian Ocean regions.
The delegates agreed that both countries were factors for stability in these regions'. A significant feature of these talks was that as well as foreign affairs officials, each delegation also included a senior armed forces officer.
According to the Media Release, 80 the talks focussed on the need to strengthen the strategic aspects of the bilateral relationship and that the two countries were working towards holding direct military-to-military talks towards the end of Traditionally, Australia's foreign policy focus has been on 'Asia', a region stretching from Japan at one end and Thailand at the other. India has been relegated to a separate 'box' and relations with it treated as such. Nowhere was this more obvious than in Australia's foreign policy white paper In the National Interest which stated that 'India will become more important as its links with East Asia and the rest of the world deepen, as they are likely to over the next fifteen years' emphasis added.
The review was more realistic and the contrast could not have been sharper. In a remarkably perceptive observation, it stated, inter alia: In the short term, however, it is unlikely that either India or Pakistanwith their largely sub-regional focus and their own internal security problemswill have a major impact on the East Asian security environment. Nonetheless, given the longer-term potential for these countries, particularly India, to play a more prominent role in the strategic affairs of the Asia-Pacific region, we will continue to work to develop a strategic dialogue with it.
This point was reiterated in the defence white paper, Defence Our Future Defence Force released in Greater naval cooperation with India would be a good starting point, given that a sizeable proportion of Australia's maritime trade towards the west passes through the Strait of Lombok and then through the Malacca Straits.
A case could also be made for the establishment of an Australian coast guard, which could eventually become part of a network of regional coastguards policing non-military threats. Greater recognition could also be given to the fact that the threats in the region are largely non-militarypiracy, drugs, arms and people smuggling to name a few, threats that India and Australia share in common.
In this context, it is relevant to note that the first meeting between ASEAN and the European Union Experts Group held in Manila recently proposed the formation of a 'neutral flag patrol fleet' that would be allowed to pursue pirates beyond a country's territorial waters.
Instead of the gradual evolution that had characterised the bilateral relationship over a period of more than two decades, President Clinton's visit galvanised the pace at which it was proceeding. Whether it was a consequence of a tacit acknowledgement by the US of India's 'unofficial' nuclear status, its economic reforms, its acceptance as a pre-eminent regional power and a source of stability in the Indian Ocean region, or a reflection of a changed mind set of decision-makers on both sides in a post-cold war environment, the fact remains that these developments could not have been foreseen by any observer inthe year India tested its nuclear devices.
The US no longer appears to view its relationship with India primarily through the prism of its relations with other countries in the region, or indeed with Cold War blinkers. This process started, albeit haltingly, with the end of the Cold War. Given the improvement in USRussia relations, the US now appears to have no objections to Russia being India's largest supplier of military hardware.
On the contrary, the US itself is in the process of becoming one of the major suppliers along with Israel and South Africa. Moreover, despite its own, sometimes volatile, political relationship with China, there is no indication that it views the improvement in IndiaChina relations with any degree of concern.
In other words, the US, finally, is acknowledging the legitimacy of India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy; while there will be close politico-strategic-military ties between India and the US, there will be no 'alliance' relationship. It can be argued that India is well aware of the fact that as has been observed in the context of Australia relations 'you only have to think like a deputy to look like a deputy, and look like a deputy long enough and one day they'll pin a badge on you and tell you to shut up and do as you're told'.
In the past this had been a major hurdle preventing any significant improvement in IndiaUS relations. This was most vividly demonstrated after the events of September when the US launched military operations in Afghanistan.
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While Pakistan provided bases and other support to the US and its forces, the US still unequivocally reminded Pakistan that it had to stop terrorist organisations operating from within its borders. This was clearly aimed at addressing Indian concerns at Pakistan's support of terrorists operating in the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir. While General Musharraf attempted to take advantage of US appreciation of Pakistan's help in its operations in Afghanistan by asking the US to take an active part in resolving the Kashmir dispute, the latter's response was clear.
Apart from encouraging the two sides to continue bilateral dialogue, the US had no role to play. India's mobilisation of its troops after the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament and its refusal to resume talks with Pakistan until there was evidence that cross-border terrorism had stopped, drew no criticism from the US apart from the standard comment that the dispute should be resolved through dialogue.
Meanwhile, as demonstrated by recent events, as far as the IndiaUS politico-strategic-military relationship is concerned, it has been business as usual. High level contacts, arms sales and military exercises have continued as planned months ago.